To co Moskwa nie zdążyła, Rzad Tuska, Platforma i Bruksela dokończy.
Wodowanie w szczecińskiej stoczni
Stocznia spojrzenie... The Shipyard - a look from inside.
Co dalej ze stoczniami?
Andrzej Jaworski (2008-11-07)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Zobacz również inne publikacje związane z tym tematem:
AUDYCJE:
Co dalej ze stoczniami? - [2008-11-07]Andrzej Jaworski
Rząd Tuska zniszczył stocznie - [2008-11-04]inż. Zbigniew Wysocki - Prezes Towarzystwa Morskiego - Gospodarczego im. Eugeniusza Kwiatkowskiego
Symboliczna debata na temat polskich stoczni - [2008-10-22]pos. dr Urszula Krupa
Co dalej z polskimi stoczniami? - [2008-10-03]Andrzej Jaworski
Co dalej z polskim przemysłem stoczniowym? - [2008-10-02]Karol Guzikiewicz
Jaka decyzja w sprawie stoczni? - [2008-10-01]Andrzej Jaworski
Walka o przetrwanie polskiego przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-19]Andrzej Jaworski - prezes fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący Solidarności Stoczni Gdańskiej
Wiec pod bramą Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-09-10]Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Ważą się losy polskich stoczni - [2008-09-09]pos. Jacek Kurski
Sytuacja w Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-09-08]Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprzewodniczący NSZZ "Solidarność" w Stoczni Gdańskiej
Aktualna sytuacja przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-06]pos. Anna Sobecka, Andrzej Jaworski - były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący KZ NSZZ,,Solidarność" w Stoczni Gdańskiej
Sejmowa debata nad sytuacją przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-06]kpt. Zbigniew Sulatycki
Sytuacja przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-04]Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Jaka przyszłość przemysłu stoczniowego w Polsce? - [2008-08-22]Ryszard Kwidzyński oraz Grzegorz Huszcz - b. wiceprezesi Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Lech Wydrzyński i Jerzy Corda - akcjonariusze Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Brunon Baranowski - czło
Polski przemysł stoczniowy - [2008-07-11]Rozmowy niedokończone po 24
Stocznie skazane na upadłość - [2008-07-11]Karol Guzikiewicz - v-ce przew. "Sol." Stoczni Gdańskiej
Jaka przyszłość dla polskich stoczni - [2008-07-10]Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprezes "S" Stoczni Gdańskiej
Sytuacja w stoczniach - [2008-07-09]prez. Andrzej Jaworski
Czy uda się uratować Stocznię Gdańską? - [2008-07-02]Andrzej Jaworski - b. Prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej cz.II - [2008-06-26]Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej - [2008-06-26]Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Protesty stoczniowców - [2008-06-20]
KE kwestionuje ratunek Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-06-14]Roman Gałęzowski sekret. rady nadzorczej. Stoczni Gd,
Gdzie się podziały ... pieniądze stoczni? - [2008-06-10]Roman Gałęzowski Przew. Solidarności Stoczni Gdańsk
Pomoc dla stoczni nielegalna? - [2008-06-07]Andrzej Jaworski - Były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
ARTYKUŁY:
Czy ktoś kupi stocznie w całości - [2008-11-07]
Koniec stoczni? - [2008-11-05]
Stoczniowcy czekają na programy bez zwolnień - [2008-10-09]
Chodzi o stocznie czy notowania rządu? - [2008-10-08]
Oczekujemy zaangażowania premiera i prezydenta - [2008-10-04]
Dajmy czas stoczniom - [2008-10-03]
Jeszcze można powalczyć o stocznie - [2008-10-02]
Trudne rozmowy - [2008-09-23]
Wiec w obronie stoczni - [2008-09-10]
Plan był prosty: rozdzielić się i próbować gospodarzyć - [2008-09-06]
Topienie stoczni - [2008-09-06]
Platforma wywiesza białą flagę nad stoczniami - [2008-09-05]
Rząd wygenerował zagrożenie dla stoczni - [2008-08-29]
Stoczniowcy zdeterminowani - [2008-08-28]
Jedna albo wcale? - [2008-08-22]
Donbas negocjuje na wyłączność - [2008-08-14]
Prywatyzacja z prokuraturą w tle - [2008-08-05]
Gospodarka morska marnuje szansę na rozwój - [2008-07-30]
Żeby tylko nie rozgniewać Brukseli - [2008-07-24]
To nie jest sprawa Brukseli - [2008-07-23]
Więcej odroczeń nie będzie - [2008-07-17]
Kurs na PŻM - [2008-07-17]
Czas dla stoczni - [2008-07-16]
Tajny plan prezydentów - [2008-07-15]
Poniesiemy karę za pieniądze, których nigdy nie widzieliśmy - [2008-07-12]
Cała wstecz w stoczniach - [2008-07-12]
Stocznie z góry skazane na upadłość - [2008-07-11]
Dwie stocznie... trzy plany? - [2008-06-28]
Stocznie razem czy osobno? - [2008-06-27]
Tragedia przemysłu okrętowego - [2008-06-24]
Grad, oddaj nasze 700 milionów - [2008-06-21]
Ktoś chce zrobić ze stoczni kozła ofiarnego - [2008-06-10]
Stocznie zagrożone - [2008-05-30]
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 1
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 2
Sunday, December 7, 2008
Thursday, November 20, 2008
Świadkowie Historii - Radom 1918
Świadkowie Historii - Radom 1918
W bieżącym roku obchodzimy 90. rocznicę odzyskania niepodległości i właśnie wydarzeniom 1918 roku w Radomiu poświęcony jest ten odcinek. Przypominamy jak wyglądało dochodzenie do wolności w naszym mieście oraz fakt, że Radom odzyskał niepodległość kilka dni wcześniej niż na przykład Warszawa.
W bieżącym roku obchodzimy 90. rocznicę odzyskania niepodległości i właśnie wydarzeniom 1918 roku w Radomiu poświęcony jest ten odcinek. Przypominamy jak wyglądało dochodzenie do wolności w naszym mieście oraz fakt, że Radom odzyskał niepodległość kilka dni wcześniej niż na przykład Warszawa.
Monday, November 17, 2008
KIM SĄ MORDERCY INKI? IPN Gdańsk
KIM SĄ MORDERCY INKI? IPN Gdańsk
Jest to wypowiedź pana Piotra Szubarczyka, pracownika naukowego Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w Gdańsku, na temat bezkarności zbrodniarzy z Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa, komunistycznego sądownictwa i prokuratury odpowiedzialnych za śmierć INKI, bezkarności do dziś... Fragment reportażu poświęconego pamięci Danuty Siedzikówny Inki, zrealizowanego i wyemitowanego przez TV Trwam w 2007 roku
Jest to wypowiedź pana Piotra Szubarczyka, pracownika naukowego Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w Gdańsku, na temat bezkarności zbrodniarzy z Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa, komunistycznego sądownictwa i prokuratury odpowiedzialnych za śmierć INKI, bezkarności do dziś... Fragment reportażu poświęconego pamięci Danuty Siedzikówny Inki, zrealizowanego i wyemitowanego przez TV Trwam w 2007 roku
Tuesday, November 11, 2008
Ross Perot was interviewed by Rita Cosby
Ross Perot was interviewed by Rita Cosby
Ross Perot was interviewed by Rita Cosby
Ross Perot Interview with Rita Cosby today (8/8/08) at 4 PM EDT
Posted on August 8th, 2008 in Radio by PerotCharts
Update: Ross Perot was interviewed by Rita Cosby on the Steve Malzberg show on 8/8/2008. The broadcast can be downloaded in mp3 format from wor710.com. Or you can listen to the show by clicking this link. Look for “The Steve Malzberg Show - August 8, 2008 - Hour 2″ and click the Play button in that section. Alternatively, you can click the Itunes in the same location to download a podcast for your iPod.
Thursday, July 24, 2008
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
Monday, June 23, 2008
Sunday, June 22, 2008
Klania sie Lech Bajan z Washington DC USA
Klania sie Lech Bajan z Washington DC USA
Moja uwaga jesli chodzi o pomoc spoleczna
TO bylo tylko okolo 30 do Maximum 40 milionow zlotych.
Po dzisiejszej wymianie wolnego rynku to tylko $18.5 milionow dolarow
Live rates at 2008.06.22 15:41:49 UTC
40,000,000.00 PLN = 18,543,414.77 USD
Poland Zlotych United States Dollars
1 PLN = 0.463585 USD 1 USD = 2.15710 PLN
Ta dzisiejsza burza spowodowana przez Platforme Obywatelska i Unie Europejska
to sprawdzona metoda obnizenia wartosci POLSKICH STOCZNI.
Tak "SPRZEDAC I JESZCZE DAC IM NA ZAKASKE" to slowa Andzrzeja Lepera.
Jaki on tam nie byl ale powiedzial swieta prawde. Jak to dziala.
Mozna byloby zrobit inaczej.
Popatrzmy na potencjalne mozliwosci rozwoju przemyslu Polskich Stoczni w powiazaniu z polskim przemyslem hutniczym, zbrojeniowym I budownictwem.
1. Jest teraz na swiecie najlepsza koniunktura na zamowienia przemyslu stocznopwego! To jest niezaprzeczalna prawda.
Sytuacja geopolityczno - ekonomiczna i zapotrzebowanie krajow jak Emiraty Arabskie Dubai, Chiny Indie, Stany Zjednoczone.
W samych tylko Emiratach jest 60% wszystkich dzwigow do budownictwa na swiecie. Trzeba czeka mozliwosci exportu sa nieograniczone.
Mozliwosci producji kontenerow, dzwigow ( w chwili obecnej potrzeba czekac jeden rok na wynajem dzwigu ) to jest nicza w powiazaniu z producja i remontem statkow.
2. Mozliwosci napraw i remontow statkow NATO i floty Stanow Zjednoczonych. Tak jestesmy w Iraku, Afganistanie, Kosowo, Wzgorza Golan, w Africe a co mamy z tego jesli obecny rzad nie pyta
Prosimy o kontrakty! Dobre kontrakry- nie te kiedy pod presja polytyczna SLD stocznie polskie podpisaly kontrakty calkowicie skazane na straty. Tylko pytanie czy to bylo celowe
Zeby zadac ten finalny strzal w piers naszych polskich stoczni?
Nasi politycy jak Sikorski i Tusk nigdy o to nie zabiegaja o dobre kontrakty, ktore mozna dostac.
3.Mozliwosci producji kontenerow, dzwigow ( w chwili obecnej potrzeba czekac jeden rok na wynajem dzwigu )
4. Kazdy nowy kontract trzeba sprawdzac pod wzledem ekonomicznym a nie politycznym.
Notowac kazdego polityka wywierajacego jakakolwiej presje polityczna.
Potential Investors for Polish Yards
19 June 2008, 11:14 / SeaNews / Rating: 52
Two companies have expressed their interest
Two foreign investors have declared interest in buying two Polish shipyards. According to Fairplay, the Norwegian shipyard Ulstein Verft AS wants to purchase the "Nowa" Shipyard in Szczecin, and the company ETA Ascom Star from Dubai, is interested in buying the Gdynia Shipyard. The Norwegians said that soon a letter of intent regarding the transaction should be expected.
By June 26, the Polish government has to present before the EC a plan for the restructuring of Gdansk Shipyard and privatisation of the shipyards in Gdynia and Szczecin. Should they fail to do so, each shipyard may lose €500M ($775M) received in state aid since Poland's accession to the EU in May 2004.
But Jacek Kantor, who heads the union at Stocznia Szczecinska Nowa [New Szczecin Shipyard] told Fairplay that Ulstein Verft AS was "not in the first place" in the ranking of potential investors. He also said that his union would prefer a "domestic" investor for the company.
And Krzysztof Piotrowski, former CEO of Stocznia Szczecinska Porta Holding [which used to run the yard] said that he "wouldn't bet" on Ulstein Verft coming to an agreement with the Polish treasury before June 26th. "This company has been interested in Stocznia Szczecinska for about ten years but it never came to anything," he said, adding that the shipyard's ambigious legal situation would continue to hamper the yard's privatisation.
Moja uwaga jesli chodzi o pomoc spoleczna
TO bylo tylko okolo 30 do Maximum 40 milionow zlotych.
Po dzisiejszej wymianie wolnego rynku to tylko $18.5 milionow dolarow
Live rates at 2008.06.22 15:41:49 UTC
40,000,000.00 PLN = 18,543,414.77 USD
Poland Zlotych United States Dollars
1 PLN = 0.463585 USD 1 USD = 2.15710 PLN
Ta dzisiejsza burza spowodowana przez Platforme Obywatelska i Unie Europejska
to sprawdzona metoda obnizenia wartosci POLSKICH STOCZNI.
Tak "SPRZEDAC I JESZCZE DAC IM NA ZAKASKE" to slowa Andzrzeja Lepera.
Jaki on tam nie byl ale powiedzial swieta prawde. Jak to dziala.
Mozna byloby zrobit inaczej.
Popatrzmy na potencjalne mozliwosci rozwoju przemyslu Polskich Stoczni w powiazaniu z polskim przemyslem hutniczym, zbrojeniowym I budownictwem.
1. Jest teraz na swiecie najlepsza koniunktura na zamowienia przemyslu stocznopwego! To jest niezaprzeczalna prawda.
Sytuacja geopolityczno - ekonomiczna i zapotrzebowanie krajow jak Emiraty Arabskie Dubai, Chiny Indie, Stany Zjednoczone.
W samych tylko Emiratach jest 60% wszystkich dzwigow do budownictwa na swiecie. Trzeba czeka mozliwosci exportu sa nieograniczone.
Mozliwosci producji kontenerow, dzwigow ( w chwili obecnej potrzeba czekac jeden rok na wynajem dzwigu ) to jest nicza w powiazaniu z producja i remontem statkow.
2. Mozliwosci napraw i remontow statkow NATO i floty Stanow Zjednoczonych. Tak jestesmy w Iraku, Afganistanie, Kosowo, Wzgorza Golan, w Africe a co mamy z tego jesli obecny rzad nie pyta
Prosimy o kontrakty! Dobre kontrakry- nie te kiedy pod presja polytyczna SLD stocznie polskie podpisaly kontrakty calkowicie skazane na straty. Tylko pytanie czy to bylo celowe
Zeby zadac ten finalny strzal w piers naszych polskich stoczni?
Nasi politycy jak Sikorski i Tusk nigdy o to nie zabiegaja o dobre kontrakty, ktore mozna dostac.
3.Mozliwosci producji kontenerow, dzwigow ( w chwili obecnej potrzeba czekac jeden rok na wynajem dzwigu )
4. Kazdy nowy kontract trzeba sprawdzac pod wzledem ekonomicznym a nie politycznym.
Notowac kazdego polityka wywierajacego jakakolwiej presje polityczna.
Potential Investors for Polish Yards
19 June 2008, 11:14 / SeaNews / Rating: 52
Two companies have expressed their interest
Two foreign investors have declared interest in buying two Polish shipyards. According to Fairplay, the Norwegian shipyard Ulstein Verft AS wants to purchase the "Nowa" Shipyard in Szczecin, and the company ETA Ascom Star from Dubai, is interested in buying the Gdynia Shipyard. The Norwegians said that soon a letter of intent regarding the transaction should be expected.
By June 26, the Polish government has to present before the EC a plan for the restructuring of Gdansk Shipyard and privatisation of the shipyards in Gdynia and Szczecin. Should they fail to do so, each shipyard may lose €500M ($775M) received in state aid since Poland's accession to the EU in May 2004.
But Jacek Kantor, who heads the union at Stocznia Szczecinska Nowa [New Szczecin Shipyard] told Fairplay that Ulstein Verft AS was "not in the first place" in the ranking of potential investors. He also said that his union would prefer a "domestic" investor for the company.
And Krzysztof Piotrowski, former CEO of Stocznia Szczecinska Porta Holding [which used to run the yard] said that he "wouldn't bet" on Ulstein Verft coming to an agreement with the Polish treasury before June 26th. "This company has been interested in Stocznia Szczecinska for about ten years but it never came to anything," he said, adding that the shipyard's ambigious legal situation would continue to hamper the yard's privatisation.
Monday, June 16, 2008
Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab Jerzy Robert Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz
Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab Jerzy Robert Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz
Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab Jerzy Robert Nowak
(2008-06-15)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
(2008-06-15)
Aktualności dnia
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof.dr hab. Bogusław Wolniewicz (czyt. dr Kawęcki)
(2008-06-15)
Aktualności dnia
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof.dr hab. Andrzej Nowak
(2008-06-15)
Aktualności dnia
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab. Rafał Broda
(2008-06-15)
Aktualności dnia
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Thursday, June 5, 2008
"Myśląc Ojczyzna" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński
"Myśląc Ojczyzna" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński
"Myśląc Ojczyzna"
prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński (2008-06-03)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Władysław Konopczyński, pseud. Dantyszek, Korzonek (ur. 26 listopada 1880 w Warszawie, zm. 12 lipca 1952 w Młyniku koło Ojcowa), historyk polski, profesor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, członek Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, współtwórca i pierwszy redaktor naczelny Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
Był synem Ignacego (inżyniera komunikacji, uczestnika powstania styczniowego) i Ludwiki z Obrąpalskich, bratankiem Emiliana (pedagoga, dyrektora IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie). Szwagrem Władysława Konopczyńskiego został prawnik, profesor Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Karol Lutostański.
Uczęszczał do Gimnazjum W. Górskiego i IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie (1891-1899), działając aktywnie w młodzieżowych kółkach politycznych i samokształceniowych. Studiował prawo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1899-1904, kończąc studia ze stopniem kandydata nauk prawnych i politycznych na podstawie pracy Przyczynki do kwestyi powstania liberi veto) oraz historię na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim (1907-1908, 1908 doktorat pod kierunkiem Szymona Askenazego). Był nauczycielem historii w IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie, wykładał także w Towarzystwie Kursów Naukowych tamże. Na podstawie pracy Polska w dobie wojny siedmioletniej (przygotowanej pod kierunkiem Wacława Tokarza) habilitował się w 1911 na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim.
W 1913 został docentem w Katedrze Historii Powszechnej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego; lata 1914-1916 spędził w Szwecji. W 1917 mianowany profesorem nadzwyczajnym i kierownikiem Katedry Historii Polski Nowożytnej i Najnowszej, profesorem zwyczajnym został w 1921. W 1939 objął funkcję dziekana Wydziału Filozoficznego, zachowując ją formalnie przez cały okres wojny. Znalazł się w gronie pracowników Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, zatrzymanych w ramach Sonderaktion Krakau; był więziony w Krakowie, Wrocławiu i obozie koncentracyjnym Sachsenhausen, gdzie organizował wykłady i dyskusje naukowe. Po zwolnieniu w lutym 1940 brał udział w tajnym nauczaniu, wykładając historię nowożytną na Tajnym Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim. Po wojnie powrócił do pracy na uniwersytecie; w 1948, oskarżany o publikacje "szowinistycznie obciążone" i przepojone "furią rasistowską", został zmuszony do rezygnacji z pracy. Ostatnie lata życia spędził w posiadłości w Młyniku, chorując na niewydolność serca.
W 1908 został członkiem rzeczywistym, a w 1929 członkiem czynnym Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego; w latach 1925-1926 wchodził w skład Zarządu towarzystwa. W 1922 został członkiem-korespondentem, w 1933 członkiem czynnym Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności. Pełnił funkcję sekretarza (1917-1921), później przewodniczącego (1945-1949) Komisji Historycznej PAU, w latach 1931-1949 przewodniczył Komitetowi Redakcyjnemu Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, wydawanego przez PAU. Należał również do Towarzystwa Historycznego we Lwowie (1913 członek-założyciel Oddziału Krakowskiego), Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego (1946-1952 przewodniczący Oddziału Krakowskiego, 1947 prezes Zarządu Głównego), Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, Związku Inteligencji Polskiej, Szwedzkiej Akademii Literatury, Historii i Archeologii, Towarzystwa Naukowego w Lund, Królewskiego Towarzystwa dla Wydawania Źródeł do Dziejów Skandynawii w Sztokholmie, Towarzystwa Żeglugi Polskiej.
Był także aktywny politycznie. W 1918 był członkiem Organizacji Narodowej, w latach 1922-1927 pełnił mandat poselski z ramienia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego (m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Narodu"). W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej był instruktorem artylerii. Został odznaczony m.in. Krzyżem Oficerskim szwedzkiego Orderu Gwiazdy Polarnej oraz Krzyżem Oficerskim francuskiej Legii Honorowej.
Zainteresowania naukowe Władysława Konopczyńskiego obejmowały historię Polski XVI i XVII wieku, historię państwa i prawa polskiego, historię parlamentaryzmu europejskiego, edytorstwo i biografistykę. Jest uważany za współtwórcę (obok Wacława Sobieskiego) tzw. nowej historycznej szkoły krakowskiej. Prowadził wieloletnie badania archiwalne (w Wiedniu, Dreźnie, Paryżu, Londynie. Kopenhadze, Berlinie), gromadząc liczne materiały do dziejów politycznych Polski w połowie XVIII wieku. Badał genezę i znaczenie konfederacji barskiej. Zainicjował prace nad utworzeniem polskiego ośrodka dokumentacyjno-informacyjnego. Przygotował do wydania m.in. Dyaryusze sejmowe z wieku XVIII (1911-1937, 3 tomy), Pamiętniki Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego (1915, ze Stanisławem Ptaszyckim), Materiały do dziejów wojny konfederackiej 1768-1774r. (1931), Reforma elekcji czy naprawa Rzeczypospolitej (1949, wybór tekstów politycznych z XVIII wieku). Współpracował z Wielką Encyklopedią Powszechną Ilustrowaną (1902-1914), "Biblioteką Warszawską", "Gazetą Polską", "Kwartalnikiem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Polskim".
W 1921 zgłosił projekt wydania Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Po dziesięciu latach idea doczekała się realizacji i Konopczyński został pierwszym redaktorem naczelnym wydawnictwa (1931), publikując do wybuchu wojny cztery tomy (do początku litery "D"); po przerwie wojennej słownik wznowiono i pod redakcją Konopczyńskiego ukazały się kolejne dwa tomy (do połowy litery "F"). W 1948, wraz z przymusową emeryturą redaktora, nastąpiła kolejna przerwa w wydawaniu; tom VII ukazał się już po śmierci Konopczyńskiego w 1958. W gronie studentów Konopczyńskiego byli przyszli redaktorzy Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego - Kazimierz Lepszy i Emanuel Rostworowski, a także m.in. Józef Feldman.
"Myśląc Ojczyzna"
prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński (2008-06-03)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Władysław Konopczyński, pseud. Dantyszek, Korzonek (ur. 26 listopada 1880 w Warszawie, zm. 12 lipca 1952 w Młyniku koło Ojcowa), historyk polski, profesor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, członek Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, współtwórca i pierwszy redaktor naczelny Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
Był synem Ignacego (inżyniera komunikacji, uczestnika powstania styczniowego) i Ludwiki z Obrąpalskich, bratankiem Emiliana (pedagoga, dyrektora IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie). Szwagrem Władysława Konopczyńskiego został prawnik, profesor Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Karol Lutostański.
Uczęszczał do Gimnazjum W. Górskiego i IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie (1891-1899), działając aktywnie w młodzieżowych kółkach politycznych i samokształceniowych. Studiował prawo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1899-1904, kończąc studia ze stopniem kandydata nauk prawnych i politycznych na podstawie pracy Przyczynki do kwestyi powstania liberi veto) oraz historię na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim (1907-1908, 1908 doktorat pod kierunkiem Szymona Askenazego). Był nauczycielem historii w IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie, wykładał także w Towarzystwie Kursów Naukowych tamże. Na podstawie pracy Polska w dobie wojny siedmioletniej (przygotowanej pod kierunkiem Wacława Tokarza) habilitował się w 1911 na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim.
W 1913 został docentem w Katedrze Historii Powszechnej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego; lata 1914-1916 spędził w Szwecji. W 1917 mianowany profesorem nadzwyczajnym i kierownikiem Katedry Historii Polski Nowożytnej i Najnowszej, profesorem zwyczajnym został w 1921. W 1939 objął funkcję dziekana Wydziału Filozoficznego, zachowując ją formalnie przez cały okres wojny. Znalazł się w gronie pracowników Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, zatrzymanych w ramach Sonderaktion Krakau; był więziony w Krakowie, Wrocławiu i obozie koncentracyjnym Sachsenhausen, gdzie organizował wykłady i dyskusje naukowe. Po zwolnieniu w lutym 1940 brał udział w tajnym nauczaniu, wykładając historię nowożytną na Tajnym Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim. Po wojnie powrócił do pracy na uniwersytecie; w 1948, oskarżany o publikacje "szowinistycznie obciążone" i przepojone "furią rasistowską", został zmuszony do rezygnacji z pracy. Ostatnie lata życia spędził w posiadłości w Młyniku, chorując na niewydolność serca.
W 1908 został członkiem rzeczywistym, a w 1929 członkiem czynnym Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego; w latach 1925-1926 wchodził w skład Zarządu towarzystwa. W 1922 został członkiem-korespondentem, w 1933 członkiem czynnym Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności. Pełnił funkcję sekretarza (1917-1921), później przewodniczącego (1945-1949) Komisji Historycznej PAU, w latach 1931-1949 przewodniczył Komitetowi Redakcyjnemu Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, wydawanego przez PAU. Należał również do Towarzystwa Historycznego we Lwowie (1913 członek-założyciel Oddziału Krakowskiego), Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego (1946-1952 przewodniczący Oddziału Krakowskiego, 1947 prezes Zarządu Głównego), Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, Związku Inteligencji Polskiej, Szwedzkiej Akademii Literatury, Historii i Archeologii, Towarzystwa Naukowego w Lund, Królewskiego Towarzystwa dla Wydawania Źródeł do Dziejów Skandynawii w Sztokholmie, Towarzystwa Żeglugi Polskiej.
Był także aktywny politycznie. W 1918 był członkiem Organizacji Narodowej, w latach 1922-1927 pełnił mandat poselski z ramienia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego (m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Narodu"). W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej był instruktorem artylerii. Został odznaczony m.in. Krzyżem Oficerskim szwedzkiego Orderu Gwiazdy Polarnej oraz Krzyżem Oficerskim francuskiej Legii Honorowej.
Zainteresowania naukowe Władysława Konopczyńskiego obejmowały historię Polski XVI i XVII wieku, historię państwa i prawa polskiego, historię parlamentaryzmu europejskiego, edytorstwo i biografistykę. Jest uważany za współtwórcę (obok Wacława Sobieskiego) tzw. nowej historycznej szkoły krakowskiej. Prowadził wieloletnie badania archiwalne (w Wiedniu, Dreźnie, Paryżu, Londynie. Kopenhadze, Berlinie), gromadząc liczne materiały do dziejów politycznych Polski w połowie XVIII wieku. Badał genezę i znaczenie konfederacji barskiej. Zainicjował prace nad utworzeniem polskiego ośrodka dokumentacyjno-informacyjnego. Przygotował do wydania m.in. Dyaryusze sejmowe z wieku XVIII (1911-1937, 3 tomy), Pamiętniki Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego (1915, ze Stanisławem Ptaszyckim), Materiały do dziejów wojny konfederackiej 1768-1774r. (1931), Reforma elekcji czy naprawa Rzeczypospolitej (1949, wybór tekstów politycznych z XVIII wieku). Współpracował z Wielką Encyklopedią Powszechną Ilustrowaną (1902-1914), "Biblioteką Warszawską", "Gazetą Polską", "Kwartalnikiem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Polskim".
W 1921 zgłosił projekt wydania Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Po dziesięciu latach idea doczekała się realizacji i Konopczyński został pierwszym redaktorem naczelnym wydawnictwa (1931), publikując do wybuchu wojny cztery tomy (do początku litery "D"); po przerwie wojennej słownik wznowiono i pod redakcją Konopczyńskiego ukazały się kolejne dwa tomy (do połowy litery "F"). W 1948, wraz z przymusową emeryturą redaktora, nastąpiła kolejna przerwa w wydawaniu; tom VII ukazał się już po śmierci Konopczyńskiego w 1958. W gronie studentów Konopczyńskiego byli przyszli redaktorzy Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego - Kazimierz Lepszy i Emanuel Rostworowski, a także m.in. Józef Feldman.
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji (2008-06-05)Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]
Autor: prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8183
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji (2008-06-05)Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]
Autor: prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8183
Monday, March 24, 2008
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
Pilecki i Anders
("Let's Reminisce About Witold Pilecki")
Witold Pilecki was born in Poland in 1901. When the German Army invaded the country in September, 1939, Pilecki joined the Tajna Armia Polska, the Secret Polish Army.
When Pilecki discovered the existence of Auschwitz, he suggested a plan to his senior officers. Pilecki argued he should get himself arrested and sent to the concentration camp. He would then send out reports of what was happening in the camp. Pilecki would also explore the possibility of organizing a mass break-out.
Pilecki's colonel eventually agreed and after securing a false identity as Tomasz Serafinski, he arranged to be arrested in September, 1940. As expected he was sent to Auschwitz where he became prisoner 4,859. His work consisted of building more huts to hold the increased numbers of prisoners.
Pilecki soon discovered the brutality of the Schutz Staffeinel (SS) guards. When one man managed to escape on 28th October 1940, all the prisoners were forced to stand at attention on the parade-ground from noon till nine in the evening. Anyone who moved was shot and over 200 prisoners died of exposure. Pilecki was able to send reports back to the Tajna Armia Polska explaining how the Germans were treating their prisoners. This information was then sent to the foreign office in London.
In 1942 Pilecki discovered that new windowless concrete huts were being built with nozzles in their ceilings. Soon afterwards he heard that that prisoners were being herded into these huts and that the nozzles were being used to feed cyanide gas into the building. Afterwards the bodies were taken to the building next door where they were cremated.
Pilecki got this information to the Tajna Armia Polska who passed it onto the British foreign office. This information was then passed on to the governments of other Allied countries. However, most people who saw the reports refused to believe them and dismissed the stories as attempts by the Poles to manipulate the military strategy of the Allies.
In the autumn of 1942, Jozef Cyrankiewicz, a member of the Polish Communist Party, was sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki and Cyrankiewicz worked closely together in organizing a mass breakout. By the end of 1942 they had a group of 500 ready to try and overthrow their guards.
Four of the inmates escaped on their own on 29th December, 1942. One of these men, a dentist called Kuczbara, was caught and interrogated by the Gestapo. Kuczbara was one of the leaders of Pilecki's group and so when he heard the news he realized that it would be only a matter of time before the SS realized that he had been organizing these escape attempts.
Pilecki had already arranged his escape route and after feigning typhus, he escaped from the hospital on 24th April, 1943. After hiding in the local forest, Pilecki reached his unit of the Tajna Armia Polska on 2nd May. He returned to normal duties and fought during the Warsaw Uprising in the summer of 1944. Although captured by the German Army he was eventually released by Allied troops in April, 1945.
After the Second World War Pilecki went to live in Poland.The Polish Secret Police had him executed in 1948. It is believed that this was a result of his anti-communist activities.
Only Ghosts And Echoes -
Posted by Felis in Heroes, History (Sunday February 12, 2006 at 5:03 pm)
I learnt about Witold Pilecki only by accident, when my maternal grandfather dropped his name while talking about his former associate and the then Polish Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz.
- Cyrankiewicz, he said, could have saved Pilecki but of course his own heroic tale could have been ruined.
I started asking my grandfather additional questions and learnt a few things about this man, Witold Pilecki, who according to my grandfather’s patchy story, volunteered to go to Auschwitz to gather intelligence for the Home Army (Polish Military Underground Organization) operating during the German occupation.
It was, I think, 1967 and Witold Pilecki as far as the communist authorities were concerned, officially never existed.
My grandfather knew Jozef Cyrankiewicz because both of them were members of PPS -Polish Socialist Party before WWII (PPS was a social-democratic party). Cyrankiewicz was captured and sent by the Germans to Auschwitz in 1942 but my grandfather was saved from being captured by his new identity supported by false documents. After the war, most of the members of PPS accepted the communists’ offer to join the Soviet bandwagon in exchange for good positions within the new administration and sometimes because they weren’t sure what might happen to them if they refused.
This move gave the communists more legitimacy among Western countries as well as the desperate Polish nation.
Or so they thought.
The communist party members were mostly imported from the Soviet Union.
These people, officially Polish, very often could not speak the language and like the first President Boleslaw Bierut were full time NKVG (Soviet Security) employees (the real Polish communist who ended up in Russia after 1939 were mostly executed by Stalin in the 40’s).
And so PPS and PPR (Polish Worker’s Party) were amalgamated into PZPR (Polish United Worker’s Party).
My grandpa was one of those scoundrels, who joined the new organization and for the rest of his life tried to convince himself that his decision was morally justified. He never really made it to the “top†and that is probably why he felt resentment towards Cyrankiewicz for not assisting his old comrades a little bit harder.This is how I learnt about Witold Pilecki for the first time. My grandfather made bitter comments about Cyrankiewicz’s duplicity.
I digress.
I started searching for some more information about Pilecki and slowly a picture emerged, which as much as it was depressing, gave me the feeling of faith in certain moral values, which I thought were long time dead.
Witold Pilecki was rehabilitated only in 1991 and so as I was searching a few days ago for some extra materials about him, I discovered this Wikipedia entry.
There are more sources available on line but because most of them are in Polish, I decided to quote and to translate some additional and interesting aspects of Pilecki’s life story to pay a tribute to the man, who I think, deserves much more recognition.
It was 1940 the Secret Polish Army received conflicting reports about this “new facility†being built and expanded by the Germans in Auschwitz (Oswiecim in Polish) near Kraków.The commanders of the underground, secret army were also receiving requests from the Polish Government, in exile in London; to investigate and to report about German activities around Auschwitz as the unconfirmed rumors about atrocities taking place there reached the allied forces. Witold Pilecki, a lieutenant in the underground army, was the man who volunteered to Auschwitz.
Witold Pilecki was born in 1901 in Oluniec in Russia, where his family was exiled for taking part in the 1863 uprising against Russian occupation of Poland. In 1910 his family moved back into the remains of their property (Pilecki family were small gentry-landowners) near Wilno (today Vilnius). In 1918, he volunteered for the Polish Army that was being formed at that time, and then fought in the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1920.
Witold Pilecki in his cavalry uniform
In 1921 Pilecki took leave from the army to pass his High School Certificate exams (Matura). He attempted studying fine arts at the Stefan Batory University for a while.
Finally, he finishes Military school of Cavalry Reserve in Grudziadz and after being transferred to the Army Reserve as a second lieutenant, he takes over the farm management in his family property in Sukurcze in 1926. He lived and worked in Sukurcze until the outbreak of WWII. These were the happiest years of his life.
Witold Pilecki in before WWII
In 1931 Pilecki married Marianna Ostrowska, a teacher from Masovia. They had two children, a son Andrew and daughter Zofia. In the September campaign of 1939, Pilecki fought as a member of the “Prusy†army group. In November after the collapse of Polish defenses, he helped to found the Secret Polish Army, where he served as the Chief of Staff. In August 1940 Pilecki volunteered to infiltrate Germany’s Auschwitz Concentration Camp at Oswiecim
with the following objectives in mind:
Setting up of a secret organization within the camp to:
Provide extra food and distribute clothing among organization members.
Keep up the morale among fellow inmates and supply them with news from the
outside.
Preparing a task force to take over the camp in the eventuality of the
dropping of arms or of a live force (e.g. paratroops).
Report all of the above to the Secret Army headquarters
On September 19, 1940, with the permission of his commanding officers, he intentionally allowed himself to be captured by the Germans during a round-up in Warsaw’s suburb Zoliborz.
He arrived at Auschwitz at 10 P.M. on September 21, 1940, in the “second†Warsaw transport, under the name Tomasz Serafinski. He was registered as number 4859.
Â
Oswiecim - Pilecki’s mug shot
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Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (1) translated from Polish:
They made us run straight ahead towards the thicker concentration of lights. Further towards the destination (the SS troopers) ordered one of us to run to the pole on the side of the road and immediately a series from a submachine gun was sent after him.
Dead.
Ten other inmates were pulled out at random from the marching column and shot with pistols while still running to demonstrate to us the idea of “collective reprisal†if an escape was attempted by any one of us (in this case it was all arranged by the SS troopers).
They pulled all eleven corpses by ropes attached to just one leg. Dogs baited the blood soaked bodies.
All of it was done with laughter and jeering.
We were closing to the gate, an opening in the line of fences made of wire.
There was a sign at the top: “Arbeit macht frei†(Through Work To Freedom).
Only later we could fully appreciate its real meaning.
Pilecki survived his first days in Auschwitz and later established the first cell of his secret organization.
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (2) translated from Polish:
From the darkness, from above the camp’s kitchen, Seidler the butcher spoke to us: †Do not even dream that any one of you will get out of here alive.
Your daily food ratio is intended to keep you alive for 6 weeks; whoever lives longer it’s because he steals and those who steal will be placed in SK, where nobody lives for too long.â€
Wladyslaw Baworowski - the camp’s interpreter translated it to us into Polish.
SK (Straf-Kompanie - Penal Company).
This unit was designated for all Jews, Catholic priests and those Poles whose “offencesâ€
were proven. Ernst Krankemann, the Block Commander, had a duty of finishing off as many prisoners of the unit as he possibly could to make room for new, daily “arrivalsâ€.
This duty suited Krankemann’s character very well.
If someone accidentally moved just little bit too much from the row of prisoners, Krankemann stabbed him with his knife, which he always carried in his right sleeve.
If someone, afraid of making this mistake, positioned himself slightly too far behind, he would be stabbed by the butcher in the kidney.
The sight of a falling human being, kicking his legs and moaning aggravated Krankemann.
He would jump straight away on the victim’s rib cage, kicked his kidneys and genitals, and finished him off as quickly as possible.
In ‘The Polish Underground Movement in Auschwitz’ Garlinski says:.
Pilecki’s secret organization, which he called the ‘Union of Military Organization’, was composed of cells of five prisoners who were unknown to one another with one man designated to be their commander.
These cells were to be found mainly in the camp hospital and camp work allocation office.
Once the first cells were established, contact with Warsaw became essential.
It so happened that at the time, by exceptionally fortuitous circumstances, a prisoner was released from the camp who was able to take Pilecki’s first report. Later reports were smuggled out by civilian workers employed in the camp. Another means was through prisoners who had decided to escape.
From the very start Pilecki’s principal aim was to take over Auschwitz concentration camp and free all the prisoners. He envisaged achieving this by having Home Army detachments attacking from the outside while cadre members of his Union of Military Organization, numbering around a thousand prisoners, would start a revolt from within. All his reports primarily concerned this matter. However, the Home Army High Command was less optimistic and did not believe such an operation to be viable while the Eastern Front was still far away.
In his diary Pilecki didn’t give the SS troopers much credit, and was certain that his organization could have taken control of the camp.
He waited for orders from the headquarters but at the same time the Germans started arresting members of Pilecki’s secret organization and he knew his time was up.
He also believed that if he could present “his case†in person some action would be taken.
Pilecki therefore felt it necessary to present his plans personally. This meant that he would have to escape from the camp, which he succeeded in doing with two other prisoners on 27th April 1943. Before the breakout Pilecki passed on his position within the camp organization to fellow inmate Henryk Bartoszewicz. However, neither his subsequent report nor the fact that he presented it in person altered the high command’s decision.
Fearing the reprisals on the entire Polish population was one of the reasons why such action was not allowed by the high command in London.
Another one was that there was no way to hide or to move such enormous number of people anywhere and with the Eastern Front still far away the whole project was considered unrealistic.
Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Â
Pilecki - communist jail mug shots
Â
He was interrogated and tortured for many months. His finger nails were pulled out and his collarbones broken and he could hardly walk.
He never “talkedâ€.
After his process, which was a simple farce, he was sentenced to death by a firing squad.
There was no firing squad though.
The executioners dragged him the basement of the Security Headquarters building, into the boiler room.
He was gagged and could not walk.
They shot him with a single slug into the back of his head. He was buried somewhere on the rubbish tip next to the Powazki Cemetery.
His body was never found.
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
Pilecki i Anders
("Let's Reminisce About Witold Pilecki")
Witold Pilecki was born in Poland in 1901. When the German Army invaded the country in September, 1939, Pilecki joined the Tajna Armia Polska, the Secret Polish Army.
When Pilecki discovered the existence of Auschwitz, he suggested a plan to his senior officers. Pilecki argued he should get himself arrested and sent to the concentration camp. He would then send out reports of what was happening in the camp. Pilecki would also explore the possibility of organizing a mass break-out.
Pilecki's colonel eventually agreed and after securing a false identity as Tomasz Serafinski, he arranged to be arrested in September, 1940. As expected he was sent to Auschwitz where he became prisoner 4,859. His work consisted of building more huts to hold the increased numbers of prisoners.
Pilecki soon discovered the brutality of the Schutz Staffeinel (SS) guards. When one man managed to escape on 28th October 1940, all the prisoners were forced to stand at attention on the parade-ground from noon till nine in the evening. Anyone who moved was shot and over 200 prisoners died of exposure. Pilecki was able to send reports back to the Tajna Armia Polska explaining how the Germans were treating their prisoners. This information was then sent to the foreign office in London.
In 1942 Pilecki discovered that new windowless concrete huts were being built with nozzles in their ceilings. Soon afterwards he heard that that prisoners were being herded into these huts and that the nozzles were being used to feed cyanide gas into the building. Afterwards the bodies were taken to the building next door where they were cremated.
Pilecki got this information to the Tajna Armia Polska who passed it onto the British foreign office. This information was then passed on to the governments of other Allied countries. However, most people who saw the reports refused to believe them and dismissed the stories as attempts by the Poles to manipulate the military strategy of the Allies.
In the autumn of 1942, Jozef Cyrankiewicz, a member of the Polish Communist Party, was sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki and Cyrankiewicz worked closely together in organizing a mass breakout. By the end of 1942 they had a group of 500 ready to try and overthrow their guards.
Four of the inmates escaped on their own on 29th December, 1942. One of these men, a dentist called Kuczbara, was caught and interrogated by the Gestapo. Kuczbara was one of the leaders of Pilecki's group and so when he heard the news he realized that it would be only a matter of time before the SS realized that he had been organizing these escape attempts.
Pilecki had already arranged his escape route and after feigning typhus, he escaped from the hospital on 24th April, 1943. After hiding in the local forest, Pilecki reached his unit of the Tajna Armia Polska on 2nd May. He returned to normal duties and fought during the Warsaw Uprising in the summer of 1944. Although captured by the German Army he was eventually released by Allied troops in April, 1945.
After the Second World War Pilecki went to live in Poland.The Polish Secret Police had him executed in 1948. It is believed that this was a result of his anti-communist activities.
Only Ghosts And Echoes -
Posted by Felis in Heroes, History (Sunday February 12, 2006 at 5:03 pm)
I learnt about Witold Pilecki only by accident, when my maternal grandfather dropped his name while talking about his former associate and the then Polish Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz.
- Cyrankiewicz, he said, could have saved Pilecki but of course his own heroic tale could have been ruined.
I started asking my grandfather additional questions and learnt a few things about this man, Witold Pilecki, who according to my grandfather’s patchy story, volunteered to go to Auschwitz to gather intelligence for the Home Army (Polish Military Underground Organization) operating during the German occupation.
It was, I think, 1967 and Witold Pilecki as far as the communist authorities were concerned, officially never existed.
My grandfather knew Jozef Cyrankiewicz because both of them were members of PPS -Polish Socialist Party before WWII (PPS was a social-democratic party). Cyrankiewicz was captured and sent by the Germans to Auschwitz in 1942 but my grandfather was saved from being captured by his new identity supported by false documents. After the war, most of the members of PPS accepted the communists’ offer to join the Soviet bandwagon in exchange for good positions within the new administration and sometimes because they weren’t sure what might happen to them if they refused.
This move gave the communists more legitimacy among Western countries as well as the desperate Polish nation.
Or so they thought.
The communist party members were mostly imported from the Soviet Union.
These people, officially Polish, very often could not speak the language and like the first President Boleslaw Bierut were full time NKVG (Soviet Security) employees (the real Polish communist who ended up in Russia after 1939 were mostly executed by Stalin in the 40’s).
And so PPS and PPR (Polish Worker’s Party) were amalgamated into PZPR (Polish United Worker’s Party).
My grandpa was one of those scoundrels, who joined the new organization and for the rest of his life tried to convince himself that his decision was morally justified. He never really made it to the “top†and that is probably why he felt resentment towards Cyrankiewicz for not assisting his old comrades a little bit harder.This is how I learnt about Witold Pilecki for the first time. My grandfather made bitter comments about Cyrankiewicz’s duplicity.
I digress.
I started searching for some more information about Pilecki and slowly a picture emerged, which as much as it was depressing, gave me the feeling of faith in certain moral values, which I thought were long time dead.
Witold Pilecki was rehabilitated only in 1991 and so as I was searching a few days ago for some extra materials about him, I discovered this Wikipedia entry.
There are more sources available on line but because most of them are in Polish, I decided to quote and to translate some additional and interesting aspects of Pilecki’s life story to pay a tribute to the man, who I think, deserves much more recognition.
It was 1940 the Secret Polish Army received conflicting reports about this “new facility†being built and expanded by the Germans in Auschwitz (Oswiecim in Polish) near Kraków.The commanders of the underground, secret army were also receiving requests from the Polish Government, in exile in London; to investigate and to report about German activities around Auschwitz as the unconfirmed rumors about atrocities taking place there reached the allied forces. Witold Pilecki, a lieutenant in the underground army, was the man who volunteered to Auschwitz.
Witold Pilecki was born in 1901 in Oluniec in Russia, where his family was exiled for taking part in the 1863 uprising against Russian occupation of Poland. In 1910 his family moved back into the remains of their property (Pilecki family were small gentry-landowners) near Wilno (today Vilnius). In 1918, he volunteered for the Polish Army that was being formed at that time, and then fought in the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1920.
Witold Pilecki in his cavalry uniform
In 1921 Pilecki took leave from the army to pass his High School Certificate exams (Matura). He attempted studying fine arts at the Stefan Batory University for a while.
Finally, he finishes Military school of Cavalry Reserve in Grudziadz and after being transferred to the Army Reserve as a second lieutenant, he takes over the farm management in his family property in Sukurcze in 1926. He lived and worked in Sukurcze until the outbreak of WWII. These were the happiest years of his life.
Witold Pilecki in before WWII
In 1931 Pilecki married Marianna Ostrowska, a teacher from Masovia. They had two children, a son Andrew and daughter Zofia. In the September campaign of 1939, Pilecki fought as a member of the “Prusy†army group. In November after the collapse of Polish defenses, he helped to found the Secret Polish Army, where he served as the Chief of Staff. In August 1940 Pilecki volunteered to infiltrate Germany’s Auschwitz Concentration Camp at Oswiecim
with the following objectives in mind:
Setting up of a secret organization within the camp to:
Provide extra food and distribute clothing among organization members.
Keep up the morale among fellow inmates and supply them with news from the
outside.
Preparing a task force to take over the camp in the eventuality of the
dropping of arms or of a live force (e.g. paratroops).
Report all of the above to the Secret Army headquarters
On September 19, 1940, with the permission of his commanding officers, he intentionally allowed himself to be captured by the Germans during a round-up in Warsaw’s suburb Zoliborz.
He arrived at Auschwitz at 10 P.M. on September 21, 1940, in the “second†Warsaw transport, under the name Tomasz Serafinski. He was registered as number 4859.
Â
Oswiecim - Pilecki’s mug shot
Â
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (1) translated from Polish:
They made us run straight ahead towards the thicker concentration of lights. Further towards the destination (the SS troopers) ordered one of us to run to the pole on the side of the road and immediately a series from a submachine gun was sent after him.
Dead.
Ten other inmates were pulled out at random from the marching column and shot with pistols while still running to demonstrate to us the idea of “collective reprisal†if an escape was attempted by any one of us (in this case it was all arranged by the SS troopers).
They pulled all eleven corpses by ropes attached to just one leg. Dogs baited the blood soaked bodies.
All of it was done with laughter and jeering.
We were closing to the gate, an opening in the line of fences made of wire.
There was a sign at the top: “Arbeit macht frei†(Through Work To Freedom).
Only later we could fully appreciate its real meaning.
Pilecki survived his first days in Auschwitz and later established the first cell of his secret organization.
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (2) translated from Polish:
From the darkness, from above the camp’s kitchen, Seidler the butcher spoke to us: †Do not even dream that any one of you will get out of here alive.
Your daily food ratio is intended to keep you alive for 6 weeks; whoever lives longer it’s because he steals and those who steal will be placed in SK, where nobody lives for too long.â€
Wladyslaw Baworowski - the camp’s interpreter translated it to us into Polish.
SK (Straf-Kompanie - Penal Company).
This unit was designated for all Jews, Catholic priests and those Poles whose “offencesâ€
were proven. Ernst Krankemann, the Block Commander, had a duty of finishing off as many prisoners of the unit as he possibly could to make room for new, daily “arrivalsâ€.
This duty suited Krankemann’s character very well.
If someone accidentally moved just little bit too much from the row of prisoners, Krankemann stabbed him with his knife, which he always carried in his right sleeve.
If someone, afraid of making this mistake, positioned himself slightly too far behind, he would be stabbed by the butcher in the kidney.
The sight of a falling human being, kicking his legs and moaning aggravated Krankemann.
He would jump straight away on the victim’s rib cage, kicked his kidneys and genitals, and finished him off as quickly as possible.
In ‘The Polish Underground Movement in Auschwitz’ Garlinski says:.
Pilecki’s secret organization, which he called the ‘Union of Military Organization’, was composed of cells of five prisoners who were unknown to one another with one man designated to be their commander.
These cells were to be found mainly in the camp hospital and camp work allocation office.
Once the first cells were established, contact with Warsaw became essential.
It so happened that at the time, by exceptionally fortuitous circumstances, a prisoner was released from the camp who was able to take Pilecki’s first report. Later reports were smuggled out by civilian workers employed in the camp. Another means was through prisoners who had decided to escape.
From the very start Pilecki’s principal aim was to take over Auschwitz concentration camp and free all the prisoners. He envisaged achieving this by having Home Army detachments attacking from the outside while cadre members of his Union of Military Organization, numbering around a thousand prisoners, would start a revolt from within. All his reports primarily concerned this matter. However, the Home Army High Command was less optimistic and did not believe such an operation to be viable while the Eastern Front was still far away.
In his diary Pilecki didn’t give the SS troopers much credit, and was certain that his organization could have taken control of the camp.
He waited for orders from the headquarters but at the same time the Germans started arresting members of Pilecki’s secret organization and he knew his time was up.
He also believed that if he could present “his case†in person some action would be taken.
Pilecki therefore felt it necessary to present his plans personally. This meant that he would have to escape from the camp, which he succeeded in doing with two other prisoners on 27th April 1943. Before the breakout Pilecki passed on his position within the camp organization to fellow inmate Henryk Bartoszewicz. However, neither his subsequent report nor the fact that he presented it in person altered the high command’s decision.
Fearing the reprisals on the entire Polish population was one of the reasons why such action was not allowed by the high command in London.
Another one was that there was no way to hide or to move such enormous number of people anywhere and with the Eastern Front still far away the whole project was considered unrealistic.
Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Â
Pilecki - communist jail mug shots
Â
He was interrogated and tortured for many months. His finger nails were pulled out and his collarbones broken and he could hardly walk.
He never “talkedâ€.
After his process, which was a simple farce, he was sentenced to death by a firing squad.
There was no firing squad though.
The executioners dragged him the basement of the Security Headquarters building, into the boiler room.
He was gagged and could not walk.
They shot him with a single slug into the back of his head. He was buried somewhere on the rubbish tip next to the Powazki Cemetery.
His body was never found.
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